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VOICES NEWSLETTER (December 2004 / January 2005)

Download a PDF version of the newsletter

'Screaming women and children'
Dying children
Iraq's debts & the IMF
Oil
'A gentleman's war'

Human Rights

100,000 deaths

Demonstration elections
Detainees speaking tour
Resistance round-up
Brian's law
US/UK soldiers speak out
Bush in Britain
Resources


'Screaming women and children'
The much-heralded ground assault on Fallujah finally began on 8 Nov, after more than two months of aerial attacks killing scores of civilians. Based on reports from aid workers, Fallujah residents and refugees, a high-ranking Red Cross official estimated that “at least 800 civilians” were killed in the first 9 days of the attack (IPS, 16 Nov). US-appointed Iraqi Prime Minister Allawi, on the other hand, ‘said he d[idn’t] believe any civilians were killed in the offensive’ (Reuters, 15 Nov).

War crimes
Once again the US appears to be guilty of serious war crimes: the city was placed ‘under a strict night-time shoot-to-kill curfew’ with ‘anyone spotted in the soldiers’ night vision sights…shot’ (Times, 12 Nov); male refugees were prevented from leaving the combat zone (AP, 13 Nov); and US forces were filmed killing an unarmed, wounded Iraqi (Guardian, 16 Nov). Refugees from the city claimed that ‘a large number of people, including children, were killed by American snipers’ (Independent, 24 Nov) and that the US had used cluster bombs and phosphorus weapons that caused severe burns (IPS, 16 Nov).

Beyond Fallujah
Earlier this year ‘Pentagon planners ... identified 20 to 30 towns and cities in Iraq…[to] be brought under control before nationwide elections…in January’ (NYT, 8 Oct) and the attack on Fallujah was swiftly followed by a second major offensive, this time ‘involving more than 5,000 US and Iraqi troops, backed by fighter bombers and helicopters’ and the SAS, aimed at ‘regaining insurgent strongholds in central Iraq’ (Guardian, 24 Nov).

Britain’s role
British troops played an active support role in the assault on Fallujah, with hundreds of troops redeployed from Southern Iraq to form part of an “outer ring of steel” around the city (Independent, 22 Oct). On 26 Nov the Telegraph reported ‘the screams of women and children ... echo[ing] through the cold night air’ as British soldiers ‘wearing night-vision goggles kicked down doors and threw stun grenades into houses…on the Eastern bank of the Euphrates’.

This is not some distant conflict, fought by foreign governments. These are our troops occupying someone else’s country & killing and detaining its people. How we choose to respond is surely one of thegreat moral challenges of our time.

For more on the November attack on Fallujah see the JNV briefing Onslaught: The Attack on Fallujah.



Dying children
‘Acute malnutrition among young children in Iraq has almost doubled since the US-led invasion in March 2003,’ according to a study carried out for UNICEF by the Oslo-based Fafo institute (FT, 24 Nov).

According to the survey of 22,000 homes, conducted in April and May of this year, acute malnutrition among children aged between six months and five years has risen from 4% before the invasion to 7.7%.

‘The new figure translates to roughly 400,000 Iraqi children suffering from “wasting,” a condition characterized by chronic diarrhea and dangerous deficiencies of protein’ (Washington Post, 21 Nov). ‘Iraq’s child malnutrition rate now roughly equals that of Burundi, a central African nation torn by more than a decade of war. It is far higher than rates in Uganda and Haiti.’

Abdullah
‘“Things have been worse for me since the war,” said Kasim Said, a day laborer who was at Baghdad’s main children’s hospital to visit his ailing year-old son, Abdullah. The child, lying on a pillow with a Winnie the Pooh washcloth to keep the flies off his head, weighs just 11 pounds. “During the previous regime, I used to work on the government projects. Now there are no projects,” his father said. When he finds work … he can bring home $10 to $14 a day. If his wife is fortunate enough to find a can of Isomil, the nutritional supplement that doctors recommend, she pays $7 for it. “But the lady in the next bed said she just paid $10,” said Suad Ahmed, who sat cross-legged on a bed in the same ward, trying to console her skeletal 4-month-old granddaughter, Hiba, who suffers from chronic diarrhea.’

Not everyone is feeling the pinch though: the Washington Post reports that the Bush Administration ‘will seek about $70 billion in emergency funding for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan early next year’ including ‘at least an additional $30 billion for combat activity in Iraq’ (5 Nov).


Iraq's debts & the IMF
In November, the Paris Club – made up of 19 of the world’s richest countries - reached an agreement to cancel 80% of the $38.9bn owed to it by Iraq. 30% was to be written off immediately, a further 30% ... when Iraq agrees on an IMF program expected in 2005 and the final 20% cancelled in 2008, if Iraq completes the 3-year IMF program (Reuters, 21 Nov).

Oxfam considers ‘much… perhaps all’ of Iraq’s debts are odious and that Iraqis should therefore not be forced to pay them (Oxfam briefing paper, May 2003).

‘Assuming all non-Paris Club creditors agree to the 80% reduction, which is far from certain, Iraq would still be shackled with over $25bn of debt … on top of the new loans being peddled by the IMF and World Bank’ and at least $31bn of war reparations stemming from the 1991 Gulf War (JubileeIraq.org, 21 Nov).

‘The IMF has long used [its so-called structural adjustment] programmes to sideline or undermine parliaments in order to impose its extreme - and often devastating - free-market agenda on devel-oping countries. Now…[the new Iraqi parliament] will find virtually every important economic decision predetermined by the coterie of rich countries that runs the IMF. For example, the IMF - whose board is chaired by Gordon Brown - has already said a new [Iraqi] government must undertake tax reform, financial sector reform and restructuring of state-owned enterprises, not introduce new trade restrictions, and only “provide the minimum adequate level of social support”’ (letter to the FT from WDM and Jubilee Iraq, 25 Nov).

The unelected Iraqi government has already unveiled plans to phase out subsidies on basic products, such as oil and electricity as part of ‘a three year economic plan, compiled…in cooperation with the World Bank and the [IMF]’ (AFP, 23 Oct). For more info: www.jubileeiraq.org


Oil
‘[The] reason why we are taking the action that we are taking [against Iraq] is nothing to do with oil’ (Tony Blair, Hansard, 15 Jan. 2003, column 675)

‘After the nationalizations that swept the oil producing countries, beginning with Iraq’s nationalization in 1972, the oil multinationals lost much of their role in production, known in the oil business as “upstream.”’ (Oil in Iraq: the heart of the crisis, GlobalPolicyForum.org, Dec. ’02).


Now, Iraq’s unelected, US-appointed government ‘has issued an open invitation to the world’s largest oil companies to exploit its vast reserves’ (Independent on Sunday, 17 Oct). In an interview in a Shell newsletter Iraq’s Oil Minister said that ‘Iraq would open its doors to the oil giants early next year. “We would like to open a dialogue with the international oil companies [IOCs] … we think there is room for IOCs in Iraq – in particular in the upstream,” he explained.

Futher information:
- The Oil Factor: Behind the War on Terror – 90 min. documentary available on DVD from Voices. See here.
- Blood and Oil: The Dangers and Consequences of America’s Growing Dependency on Imported Petroleum  by Michael Klare, Penguin, 2004
- Beyond Oil: the oil curse and solutions for an oil free future by Jo Hamilton, Greg Muttitt et. al. 32 booklet on oil and conflict, repressive regimes and climate change. Available from the Voices office for £1 incl. p&p.


'A gentleman's war'
“We’re the good guys. We are Americans. We are fighting a gentleman’s war here…”. US Lieutenant Colonel Willy Buhl, commanding officer of a marine Battalion in Fallujah, Guardian, 23 Nov.

“[T]he enemy has got a face. He’s called Satan. He lives in Falluja. And we’re going to destroy him” - US Lieutenant-Colonel Gareth Brandl, BBC, 7 Nov.

“Innocent civilians in [Fallujah] have all the guidance they need as to how they can avoid getting into trouble” - US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, AP, 9 Nov.

The views of the military got plenty of air time during the assault on Fallujah. Much less time was given to the suffering of civilians and the destruction of homes, businesses, health and family life for thousands of the city’s inhabitant - not to mention those who didn’t escape with their lives. Here are a few stories that made it through - even if only on to the internet.

“Doctors in Fallujah are reporting there are patients in the hospital there who were forced out by the Americans,” said Mehdi Abdulla, a 33 year-old ambulance driver at a hospital in Baghdad, “Some doctors there told me they had a major operation going, but the soldiers took the doctors away and left the patient to die.” (Dahr Jamail – see here - 23 Nov)

“I was trying to get to my uncle’s house, waving a piece of white cloth as we had been advised when they started shooting at me. I saw two men being shot. They were just ordinary people, they weren’t carrying weapons. The only way to stay alive was to stay inside and hope your house did not get hit by a shell.” (teacher Rahim Abdullah (46), Independent, 24 Nov).

‘She weeps while telling the story. The abaya she wears cannot hide the shaking of her body as waves of grief roll through her. “I cannot get the image out of my mind of her foetus being blown out of her body.” Muna Salim’s sister, Artica, was seven months’ pregnant when two rockets from US warplanes struck her home in Fallujah on November 1. “My sister Selma and I only survived because we were staying at our neighbours’ house that night,” Muna continued, unable to reconcile her survival while eight members of her family perished during the pre-assault bombing of Fallujah that had dragged on for weeks (Sunday Herald, 14 Nov).

‘She lays dazed in the crowded hospital room, languidly waving her bruised arm at the flies. Her shins, shattered [by] US soldiers when they fired through the front door of her house, are both covered by casts. Small plastic drainage backs filled with red fluid sit upon her abdomen where she took shrapnel from another bullet. Fatima Harouz, 12 years old, lives in Latifiya, a city just south of Baghdad. Just three days ago soldiers attacked her home. Her mother, standing with us says, “They attacked our home and there weren’t even any resistance fighters in our area.” Her brother was shot and killed and his wife was wounded as their home was ransacked by soldiers. “Before they left they killed all our chickens,” added Fatima’s mother, her eyes a mixture of fear, shock and rage.

‘A doctor standing with us, after listening to Fatima’s mother tell her story, looks at me and sternly asks, “This is the freedom … in their Disney Land are there kids just like this?” (Dahr Jamail, 17 Nov)

Action

- Order copies of this postcard to sendto Tony Blair.

- Write to the BBC and ask them why they continue to report so few stories about what is actually happening to the people of Fallujah and other Iraqi cities.


Human rights
“Why would [the Iraqis] want a strong-arm leader who’s going to have the secret police, no freedom of speech, no free press, no human rights, no proper law courts?” - Tony Blair, Independent, 22 Nov

The free press
As the ground assault on Fallujah got under way ‘Iraq’s media regulator warned news organisations … to stick to the government line on the [offensive] … or risk legal action’ (Reuters, 12 Nov).

In a statement bearing the letterhead of the Iraqi PM’s office, Iraq’s Media High Commission declared that news organ-isations should “set aside space…to make the position of the Iraqi govern-ment, which expresses the aspirations of most Iraqis, clear,” noting that they should “guide correspondents in Fallujah…not to promote the unrealistic positions or project nationalist tags on terrorist gangs of criminals and killers.” “We hope you comply…otherwise we regret we will be forced to take all the legal [sic] measures to guarantee higher national interests.”

Human rights
Meanwhile,‘one of Iraq’s leading judicial champions of the rule of law has been sacked … after repeated clashes with state security agencies over arbitrary arrests and other suspected abuses’ (AFP, 19 Oct). Zuhair al-Maliky, the chief investigating magistrate of the US-created central criminal court, was given no reason for his dismissal. ‘The man in charge of the court, Luqman Thabit, was also chief judge for [Saddam] Hussein’s special court, in which sentences were often dictated by the Iraqi leader or his sons’ (Washington Post, 4 August).

“There was [sic] a lot of cases of torture, illegal detention and corruption,” Maliky claimed, including at least five cases involving the use of electric shocks on detainees, one of which left the victim partially paralysed (AFP, 19 Oct).



100,000 deaths
A high-powered research team who conducted a cluster sample survey inside Iraq this September has concluded that, ‘[m]aking conservative assumptions…about 100,000 excess [Iraqi] deaths, or more have happened since the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Violence accounted for most of the excess deaths and air strikes from coalition forces accounted for most violent deaths’ (Lancet, published on-line 29 Oct). Furthermore, ‘most individuals reportedly killed by coalition forces were women and children.’


‘Concerns and doubts’
The British Government was quick to raise doubts concerning the report. The Prime Minister’s Official Spokesman (PMOS) voiced ‘a number of concerns … about the methodology that had been used … centred on the fact that the technique in question appeared to treat Iraq as if every area were one and the same’ and had ‘been focussed primarily on areas such as Fallujah’ (Press Briefing, 29 Oct).

Neither charge had any merit. The survey was carefully designed to ensure that regional variation was taken into account and, far from ‘focussing’ on areas such as Fallujah, 7 of the 33 “clusters” sampled were taken from the Kurdish north where mortality rates had - in stark contrast to the rest of Iraq - either barely risen or actually fallen since the invasion. Najaf - the scene of intense fighting in April and August - was not sampled and, by pure chance, the cluster chosen in Sadr City ‘was in an unscathed neighbourhood with no reported deaths from the months of recent clashes.’
Furthermore since the figures obtained in Fallujah - which was sampled, though only by pure chance - were so anomalous (violent deaths in Fallujah constituted 37% of all reported post-invasion deaths) the paper actually excluded this cluster in making its main estimate, ‘that 98,000 more deaths than expected happened after the invasion outside of Fallujah.’

Grasping at Straws
A written ministerial statement from Jack Straw, dated 17 Nov, raised at least four additional points.

1) That some of those interviewed in the survey might have ‘been afraid to have blamed the deaths of their relatives on the insurgents.’
This might be true - though presumably there may also have been Iraqis afraid to blame deaths on the occupying forces or the Iraqi government. In any event house-holds ‘were informed about the purpose of the survey and told that their name would not be recorded…[and] there would be no benefits or penalties for refusing or agreeing to participate’ and it is unclear why they should have agreed to participate and reported deaths where they were too frightened to identify the perpetrator.

2) That because the paper had given a so-called ‘95% confidence interval’ of 8,000 – 198,000 (ie. there was only a 1 in 20 chance that excess deaths fell outside this range) ‘any figure in this range is consistent with the data.’
However, as we have seen there are good reasons to believe that the real figure is not towards the lower end of the spectrum: areas of intense conflict were not sampled (or, as in the case of Sadr City, produced unrepresentatively low results); Fallujah was the only point sampled in Anbar province so its exclusion also excluded all data from one of the main loci of the Sunni insurgency; and ‘statistical outliers’ where the post-invasion death rate was significantly lower were not excluded (if the authors had reanalysed the data excluding the Kurdish north the lower bound would have been significantly greater).

3) It claimed that ‘the most reliable figures for casualties in Iraq are those provided by Iraqi hospitals to the Iraqi Ministry of Health’ - which it said put the number of civilians killed between 5 April 2004 and 5 October 2004 at 3,853.
Again, this would only make sense if most deaths were recorded by Iraq’s hospitals. In fact ‘[m]any Iraqi deaths, especially of insurgents, are never reported’ (Knight Ridder, 25 Sept). The Government also neglected to mention that - according to these same statistics (or at least those up to 19 Sept) - ‘[o]perations by U.S. and multinational forces and Iraqi police [we]re killing twice as many Iraqis - most of them civilians - as attacks by insurgents’

4) It claimed that ‘where there have been no terrorist incidents, there have been no casualties’, implying that deaths caused by the occupying forces are actually the fault of the resistance.
No evidence is provided for the former assertion, which is almost certainly false – for instance, voices is unaware of any “terrorist incidents” in Mukaradeeb – the scene of a huge massacre by US forces in May (see Voices #36). Likewise it was killings by “coalition” forces in April 2003 that sparked the current insurgency in Fallujah, not the other way around (see Voices #35) – just as it is the US and Britain who have invaded and occupied Iraq, killing tens of thousands of people, not vice versa.

To summarise: The Lancet survey is an extremely well-conducted and analysed piece of research and is the best estimate of Iraqi deaths currently available. Its horrific results show that far more Iraqis – including civilians – appear to have died since the invasion than many people thought. The British Government’s predictable response has been to grasp at straws whilst attempting to downplay or minimise the deadly effects of the occupation. Our response should be to take action to terminate these ongoing crimes.



Demonstration elections
“What’s going to happen the first time we hold an election in Iraq, and it turns out the radicals win? What do we do? We’re surely not going to let them take over’ - Brent Scowcroft, National Security Adviser under Bush Snr, New York Times, 11 April 2003.

In their 1984 book
Demonstration Elections: U.S.-Staged Elections in the Dominican Republic, Vietnam and El Salvador Edward Herman and Frank Brodhead offer the following sardonic definition of a “demonstration election”: ‘a circus held in a client state to assure the population of the home country that their intrusion is well received.’ The US would very much like to bring such a circus to Iraq but - despite the announcement of 30 Jan as the date for Iraq’s first national election since the invasion - the US faces serious problems if it is to accomplish such a feat.

‘Worst-case scenario’
Indeed a recent US-financed poll found that ‘Iraq’s religious parties … would win the largest share of votes if an election were held today, while the US-backed government of interim Prime Minister Ayad Allawi is losing serious ground’ (Washington Post, 22 Oct). According to the Post ‘a victory by Iraq’s religious parties is viewed as a worst-case scenario’ by the Bush admin-istration, which believes that ‘a secular government led by moderates [sic] is critical.’

Three options
An April 2004 poll conducted for the US found that 86% of Iraqis wanted US forces leave ‘immediately’ or ‘after a permanent government is elected’ (IIACSS Poll, 14-23 April, available on-line at iraqanalysis.org). In theory, the government elected on 30 Jan would be able to order US and British occupation forces out of the country – an absolute no-no given US plans for Iraq. Therefore, as matters stand, the US appears to have three main options:

1) Postpone the election.
Tempting but not a risk-free option for the US. It is unlikely that Grand Ayatollah Ali Al-Sistani – who has ‘launched a massive get-out-the-vote campaign’ – would agree to it and if the US tries to override him ‘they will have to be prepared for civil disobedience on a massive scale’ (LA Times, 22 Nov).

2) Hold the election but make sure voters have few real choices.
The US has already passed laws banning the Sadrist movement - which would probably get about a third of the Shiite vote in a free election - from taking part in elections and granted an electoral commission wide-ranging powers to ban candidates (see Voices briefing As Long As We Win for details).

This also appears to be the idea behind the “monster consensus list” which would have bundled all the main “opposition” parties onto one slate, potentially ‘creat[ing] an essentially one-party election’ in the words of one New York Times editorial (see Voices #37). However the current status of this idea is unclear.

3) Hold the election but attempt to manipulate the result.

Though US law prohibits foreign money in domestic elections, Washington has long used cash and dirty tricks to influence electoral outcomes in countries as varied as Australia, Brazil, Chile, Italy, Japan, Mongolia and the Philippines (Rogue State: A Guide to the World’s Only Superpower by William Blum, p. 168-183). Thus far the US has allocated $871m ‘to support democracy, governance and elections programs in Iraq,’ including $41m to ‘support Iraqi Interim Government national institutions,’ $234m to ‘support local and provincial government institutions’ and $30m ‘to provide technical assistance and training for moderate [sic] and democratic [sic] political parties in Iraq’ (US State Dept, 21 Oct).

Perhaps the most likely option - if the election proceeds - is some combination of 2) and 3) above - as happened in Afghanistan’s October Presidential election.

The Afghan precedent
Blair praised the Afghan election as a “magnificent tribute, not just to the courage of the Afghan people, but also to the power of democracy” (Blair, AFP, 13 Nov). The reality was very different.

‘[N]o time [was allowed] for anyone to emerge as a national-level alternative to [US-protégé Hamid] Karzai, thus making the presidential elections effectively one-candidate,’ Rahul Mahajan observes (Bush, Iraq and Demonstration Elections, www.empirenotes.org) and ‘[v]oters in many rural areas … [were] told by warlords and regional commanders how to vote’ (Human Rights Watch, 28 Sept).

Vote early, vote often
It was also ‘painfully evident that the [voter] registration process ha[d] been seriously flawed’ (BBC, 27 Aug) with ‘the number of registered voters in several provinces … significantly larger than the estimated population of known eligible voters’ (HRW, 28 Sept). Asked about multiple registration at a Kabul press conference, Karzai replied: “[I]t doesn’t bother me. If Afghans have two registration cards and they would like to vote twice, well, welcome. This is an exercise in democracy. Let them exercise it twice.”

Massive fraud
Election day itself ‘play[ed] out as farce,’ Nation correspondent Christian Parenti writes, noting that ‘[b]y late afternoon, it [wa]s clear that … massive vote fraud [was] under way’ (15 Nov). For one thing the “indelible” ink used to mark voters fingers after casting their ballots was easily wiped off and ‘lots and lots of people had mutiple voting cards’ - including Parenti himself, a US journalist, who was able to obtain two valid voting cards (DemocracyNow.org, 12 Oct).

Freedom on the march?
In the US Presidential debates Bush cited Afghanistan’s election as an example of “freedom … on the march.” In reality, Parenti observes, the Afghan election was about the ‘solidification and legitimation of a government that is going to be heavily populated by really, really brutal, cruel criminals, most of whom are part of the mujahedin,’ the force created by the Pakistani Intelligence and the US during the 1980s to fight the Soviet Union (DN!, 12 Oct). Who will be stomped on next?


Detainees Speaking Tour
From 13-21 November, Peggy Gish from the Christian Peacemaker Teams (CPT), - one of the few international groups to still have a presence in Iraq - spoke at 14 events around England - from Southend to Manchester - about her recent work, documenting the cases of Iraqis detained by the occupying forces and supporting non-violent efforts by Iraqis for justice and peace. She also did interviews with Reuters, the BBC Sunday Programme, Premier Radio and The Times and BBC On-line.

For the past 9 years she has braved bombs and bullets in the West Bank and Iraq, “getting in the way” in the service of peace and human rights.

Detainees
Despite the so-called “handover” of sovereignty on 28 June 2004, the US currently detains over 8000 Iraqis (Washington Post, 27 Nov) and is creating a long-term detention facility at Camp Bucca, near the Kuwaiti border.

Meanwhile, according to Pulitzer-prize winning investigative journalist Seymour Hersh – who broke the story of the Abu Ghraib torture photos in May – the ‘Special Access Programme’ which ‘encouraged [the] physical coercion and sexual humiliation of Iraqi prisoners’ was ‘reconstituted’ mid-June with ‘[t]he same rules of engagement’

The CPT are currently running an ‘Adopt a Detainee’ campaign in which peace groups and others write letters to the authorities on behalf of individual detainees. Over 500 groups are now involved.

Please contact Voices if you’re interested in the Adopt a Detainee campaign or if you would like more copies of the Justice for Iraq’s Detainees Information and Action Briefing.



Resistance Round-up
A sample of recent anti-war actions:

31 Oct: 5 enterprising anti-war activists take to London’s streets to protest the looming assault on Fallujah: blocking traffic at Oxford Circus & drawing crowds of 400+ They receive lots of support and one passerby even joins them! They then go to Downing Street where one of them manages to scale the gates and stands perched above the gates for about 45mins.

2 Nov: ‘Naming the Dead’ events – readings of lists of the names of those killed in the invasion and occupation of Iraq – take place in 38 places across the country, from Portsmouth to Edinburgh, to coincide with the US Presidential election.

3 Nov: A lone anti-war demonstrator splashes the Foreign Office with fake blood and stencils it with the words “Don’t Attack Fallujah, Black Watch Out”

4 Nov: 2 activists enter the bomb store at RAF Welford and write ‘Hands off Fallujah’ on the munitions

7 Nov: Roughly 200 people hold a funeral procession to the Cenotaph, followed by a sit-down protest blocking Whitehall, to protest the imminent assault (see p. 5)

8 Nov: at a few hours notice protests take place in over 30 towns and cities across the UK as the ground assault on Fallujah begins. In Edinburgh four activists spray paint the US Consulate with the words ‘Stop the Attacks on Iraq’ and stage a bloody die-in. In Cambridge activists climb 50 ft onto the roof of the Guildhall and hang a giant banner reading ‘Fallujah: Stop the Massacre’.

9 Nov: Protests in Glasgow, Edinburgh, Brighton, Bristol, Oxford, Sheffield and Wrexham.

10 Nov: Protests in London, Manchester, Milton Keynes & Oswestry. Activists stop traffic at Piccadilly Circus. In Wrexham, anti-war pixies spray paint a bridge with the words ‘Impeach Tony Blair – Liar, War Criminal, Murderer.’

24 Nov: As Parliament re-opens, 4 activists stage a series of die-ins in and around Westminster before breezing past security at the Cabinet office where they demand to see someone responsible for the actions taking place in Iraq. They are arrested for burglary, held for 24 hrs and have their houses raided and computers seized.


Brian's law
One of the numerous measures introduced in the Queen’s Speech to increase ‘security’ is the Serious Organised Crime and Police Bill. Despite its title, this bill also includes a clause that seeks to remove Brian Haw’s continuous, 24/7 peace protest from Parliament Square which has now been running sinceJune 2001 (initially as a protest against the sanctions).

The bill proposes to make it an offence to hinder ‘any person from entering or leaving the Palace of Westminster’ or ‘the proper operation of Parliament’. Additionally, ‘spoiling the visual aspect, or otherwise spoiling the enjoyment by members of the public, of any part of the designated area’ - a narrow-minded reference to Brian’s vigil.
This development is a serious threat to protest in the geographical centre of power. It comes in the wake of a whole raft of measures that have been introduced in the past few years or may be brought in in the near future.

This bill is specifically aimed at removing Brian as all other attempts, legal and non-legal, have failed. Yet, as anti-terror and anti-social behaviour legislation is increasingly used against peaceful protest, so this law, if passed could be used against any protest (except that with prior written permission).

A number of Brian’s supporters are building the campaign to protect protest in the Square. Individuals and groups can sign up to Brian’s supporters list by emailing info@parliament-square.org.uk or phone 07791 486484. Please also get in contact if you have ideas or can support the campaign in other ways. See Brian’s new website for more: www.parliament-square.org.uk.


US/UK Soldiers Speak Out
‘More and more U.S. soldiers are speaking out against the war in Iraq — and some are refusing to fight,’ David Goodman reports (Mother Jones, 11 Oct). ‘[I]n 2003, the Army listed more than 2,774 soldiers as deserters…and many observers believe the actual number may be even higher.’ Meanwhile the GI Rights Hotline reports that it ‘now receives between 3,000 and 4,000 calls per month from soldiers seeking a way out of the military.’

“Oil and money”
In Britain ministers were ‘appalled at the spectacle of [British] soldiers…interviewed on television’ calling Blair a “liar” and stating that they were “angry and nervous” about their redploy-ment to assist in the attack on Fallujah (Independent, 10 Nov). Within 24 hours of the 28 Oct broadcast the Armed Forces Minister, Adam Ingram ‘reissued orders to troops reinforcing the message that they should not speak to the media without prior authorisation.’

However this didn’t stop Private Craig Lowe (18) - whose brother of Paul was killed by a suicide bomber following the redeployment – from telling the media that his brother had died in a war over “oil and money” amd demanding that his regiment return home (Guardian, 6 Nov). Truth, it seems, will out.


Action
-
At least three US soldiers are currently seeking asylum in Canada (see here). It is crucial that they win this – both for their sake and to keep this window open for others. Voices has produced a new campaign postcard to help put pressure on the Canadian Government to do the right thing (see here).
- Representatives from the US groups Military Families Speak Out and Iraq Veterans Against the War will be speaking at the IOF Conference on 5 Dec, and then at events in Leeds, Glasgow, Manchester and Colchester.
- Some of the relatives of British service people have formed a new group: Military Families Against the War



Bush in Britain
Tony Blair ‘has decided to confront opponents of the Iraq war head on by placing the “war on terror” at the heart of Labour’s campaign in the coming general election’ (Independent on Sunday, 14 Nov) and ‘George Bush is to visit Britain in February’ (Sunday Telegraph, 14 Nov) - apparently as part of this campaign.

Voices plans to work with other UK groups to help give the pair the reception they deserve. Contact the office – or see the January newsletter – for details.


Resources


New books

Iraq: A Journey of Peace and Hope by Peggy Gish, Herald Press, 2004. Available from voices for £10.50 incl. p&p. Reviewed by MILAN RAI.
Who among us is willing to take the same risks in making peace that soldiers take in making war? In this book organic farmer, grandmother, and committed Christian, Peggy Gish records her witness for peace in Iraq, working with the Christian Peacemaker Teams, before, during and since the invasion: threatened in her flat by a suicide bomber; camping in a protest tent in the midst of ‘Shock and Awe’; and trying to negotiate a presence in Fallujah with local figures. An honest, compassionate and compelling book from an inspiring woman. Don’t miss it.

The Freedom: Shadows and Hallucinations in Occupied Iraq by Christian Parenti. The New Press. £12.99
‘The perfect guide through occupied Iraq: honest, compassionate, and pissed off’ (Naomi Klein).Rather than try to provide a ‘sweeping analysis’ of the war, Parenti instead gives us ‘a slice of political feeling and flavor, a snapshot of a time and place: Iraq during the first year of US occupation.’ Here - whether he’s hanging out with US soldiers or meeting members of the Iraqi resistance - he succeeds brilliantly. Amust-read. Voices readers can get The Freedom for a special discounted price of £10.99 by sending a cheque for that amount (payable to ‘Thomson Publishing Services’) to Thomson Publishing Services, Cheriton House, North Way, SP10 5BE and quoting reference IOC-1.

New postcards
Voices has produced two new campaign postcards (see this page and p2): Stop the Killing in Iraq (to Blair) and Support the troops: give them asylum. Both postcards are available from the office and are free (though donations are welcome). Ideal for stalls, mailings etc…

New DVD
The Oil Factor: Behind the War on Terror (90 mins). The latest documentary from the makers of Hidden Wars of Desert Storm, The Oil Factor examines both the human costs and the geo-strategic imperatives behind George Bush’s “war-on-terror.” With Zbigniew Brzezinski, Noam Chomsky, the director of the Project for the New American Century Director amongst others. Available shortly on DVD from voices for £15 (incl. p&p) - back page.

Web-sites
Dahr Jamail’s Iraq Dispatches - http://dahrjamailiraq.com/ - indispensable on-the-ground reports from independent US journalist. See p. 3 for recent samples.

IraqAnalysis.orgwww.iraqanalysis.org - new website set up by former members of the Campaign Against Sanctions on Iraq (CASI). Currently contains excellent briefings on the denial of water to Iraqi cities by coalition forces and the British Government’s response to the Lancet report

Military Families Against the War - www.mfaw.org.uk - website of a new group set up by relatives and loved ones of members of the British Armed Services. ‘[O]pposed to the continuing involvement of UK soldiers in a war…based on lies.’

 

 

 

 

 

 


voices uk - working in solidarity with ordinary families in iraq
5 Caledonian Road, King's Cross, London N1 9DX
telephone : 0845 458 2564
voices@viwuk.freeserve.co.uk